POST-TOTAL BULGARIA by Peter Konstantinov

At the heart of the “metamorphosis” of November 10 and its subsequent events, no doubt, were Peter Mladenov and Andrei Lukanov – the two most intelligent and resourceful members of the party leadership. The rest of the “ballot” in the party leadership simply went inertia, knowing that there was no alternative. It was the letter sent by Petar Mladenov to the Central Committee of the Bulgarian Communist Party in the midst of the World Eco Forum held in Sofia on 23 October 1989 that marked the beginning of the end. Using Georgi Atanasov (Prime Minister), Dobri Dzhurov, Georgi Yordanov, Pencho Kubadinski, etc., on November 8 and 9, they are acquiring an agreement from Zhivkov to resign. However, consent is not so easy and the “experienced but already tired cunning”, supported by Milko Balev and Dimitar Stoyanov, is trying to “catch the straw” and spend at least one more year in power, even at the very plenum of the Central Committee on November 10th. Nevertheless, the day ends with the official announcement of Zhivkov’s resignation. Peter Mladenov has been appointed Secretary General.

In fact, Mladenov, with his resignation to Zhivkov’s resignation, is the emotional force of the palace coup; Lukanov, as always, remains the brain of action.

During the last days of the Zhivkov government, Mladenov “made a visit to China,” but in fact, in Moscow, and received Gorbachev’s blessing. As you can see, this last action could not have been done without the permission of the sovereign. For his part, on the evening of November 9, after deciding to resign, Zhivkov also “reported” personally to the Soviet ambassador to Sofia Viktor Sharapov (a prominent KGB agent, as Zhivkov identified in his Memoirs), not for information, but for getting permission. Even in the last minutes of its existence, the communist regime in Bulgaria remained in the full sense of the word “Kremlin’s silent protectorate.”

In these hours and days of events, the foresighted Lukanov is already arranging the pieces of the chessboard for another gambit in the political life of Bulgaria.

Incidentally, the involvement of the party oligarchy in the new “pluralistic form” of political life is ensured in both main directions. In the political – through “cloning” of the party clans of the new “dissidents” – and in the financial (which is yet to be done) – through the use of the famous decree 56. Now the question is to proceed consistently and with the least “ferocity”. in personnel and financial resources.

At 17. XI. In 1989, before the National Assembly, the revised CCP made the first “free rally”. The next day, in front of the church “St. Alexander Nevski “The” dissidents “(a very mixed team with prominent figures Angel Vaggen-Stein, Chavdar Kyuranov, Petko Simeonov, Stefan Prodev, Rumen Vodenicharov, Petar Slabakov, etc.) are holding a really enthusiastic rally. After almost half a century of dictatorship, the first steps towards a democratic life begin.

Meanwhile, Andrei Lukanov had previously had contacts with Zhelyu Zhelev – a graduate of philosophy, a party member from 1961 to 1965, from 1975 head of a section at the Institute of Culture, in 1982 he published “Fascism”, a compulsive work in which he suggests rather veiled by the mutuality of totalitarian regimes, a book that was sold completely freely in bookstores in Sofia but was accepted as “dissident literature” because of controversy and accusations from party leaders. For various reasons, right after Nov. 10, Zhelev considered it necessary to declare in the press that “he remains a Marxist.” Anyway on 7. XII. 1989 Zhelev was elected chairman of the UDF Coordination Council when establishing the Union of Democratic Forces.

It will hardly ever be clarified whether there was a preliminary negotiation of Zhelev with the new communist leaders and what it may have been, but an extremely vigilant and painfully constructed complex to possible competition (an old disease of totalitarian times), it plays an unfavorable role in the unity of the democratic forces and consciously or unconsciously creates conflicts in the development of democratic processes during their seven-year presence on the political scene.

Meanwhile, on December 5, 1989, a group of intellectuals and public figures founded the Mata Bulgaria National Association, which throughout the past years has remained an independent, unrelated party-political movement, setting itself the primary task of restoring, preserving and promoting the Bulgarian people traditions, forgotten or forbidden holidays of the people, and the falsified and deformed folk and historical memory – the one in the spiritual life that was most severely struck by the communist dictatorship. Based on the principle that everyone born in Bulgaria or who recognized our country as their homeland, without distinction of ethnic origin or religious belief, is our brother and sister and the son and daughter of Mother Bulgaria,

In the meantime, the restoration of traditional Bulgarian political parties or the creation of new ones began – more of which with extremely limited composition and ephemeral existence.

At 11-13. XII. 1989, before a plenary session of the Central Committee of the Bulgarian Communist Party, Peter Mladenov points out the desperate imbalances in the industry, its total inefficiency, the total collapse of agriculture and the huge external debt that will continue to weigh like a stone on the shoulders of the people for years and years to come.

At 14. XII. a spontaneous rally in front of the National Assembly building calls for the cancellation of Art. 1 of the constitution (according to which the BCP is a guiding force in state and public life). The escalation of popular outrage respected the Communist government, all the more so as it was around this time that the dramatic events in Romania began. On this day, there was some opportunity to make significant progress peacefully in the implementation of democratic processes. Zhelyu Zhelev and Petko Simeonov, however, urge the people to disperse without making any other requests except the elimination of Art. 1 of the constitution. From this rally is a television report, in which Peter Mladenov utters the words “Better to come tanks”. A ten-second clip that will later remove Mladenov from his presidency.

At 26. XII. 1989 The newly created free trade union organization Podkrepa, chaired by Dr. K. Trenchev, raises the question of an interim government and elections. On the 29th XII CC of the Bulgarian Communist Party, stunned by the bloody events in Romania, accepted the request of Bulgarian Turks and Mohammedans demonstrating before the National Assembly for the return of their Turkish-Arab names. From January 3 to January 10, 1990, in a chilling frost, backed quietly by party and union headquarters in the countryside, protesters under nationalist slogans filled the streets of the capital as a stark protest against the two-faced play by the communist leadership. The already well-known leaders of the Democratic Forces fail to master this diverse but impressive mass to squeeze communist leadership and gain at least part of it, already received by the peoples of Czechoslovakia, Poland and Hungary. Instead, “democratic leaders” even confronted the demonstration by allowing the “anti-national image” of democratic processes and the “nationalist camouflage” of communist leadership, continued and sometimes cleverly used in the years to come. Nevertheless, during those January days, thousands and thousands of Bulgarians, without distinction of party color, demonstrated for the first time in many years of silence and obedience a national position. Another issue is that the party centers used it, who succeeded. continued and sometimes cleverly used in the years to come. Nevertheless, during those January days, thousands and thousands of Bulgarians, without distinction of party color, demonstrated for the first time in many years of silence and obedience a national position. Another issue is that the party centers used it, who succeeded. continued and sometimes cleverly used in the years to come. Nevertheless, during those January days, thousands and thousands of Bulgarians, without distinction of party color, demonstrated for the first time in many years of silence and obedience a national position. Another issue is that the party centers used it, who succeeded.

In January 1990, an agreement was reached to launch a roundtable discussion (similar to Poland). At the end of January, the XIV Congress of the BCP met. In February, the first Lukanov government was created. In April, the Round Table ends with an agreement on a new constitution and elections to the Grand National Assembly. The Bulgarian Communist Party is renamed the Bulgarian Socialist Party.

In the June elections, the BSP won 53% of the seats. A second Lukanov government followed.

On 13. VI. In 1990, a student strike and mass protests began over television revelations about President Mladenov’s willingness to send tanks against a peaceful demonstration. On July 4, in the center of the capital, on Prince Alexander I Square and around the House of Commons, tents and canvases emerged from the City of Truth, demanding the resignation of President Mladenov. On July 6, Mladenov resigned.

On August 1, after a discussion about a new president of the country and a preliminary secret agreement was concluded, the socialist majority in the Higher Education Institute supported for the president Zhelyu Zhelev and for the vice-president General Semerdzhiev, the former communist minister of the interior. Petar Beron was elected chairman of the UDF Council.

On August 26, the Party House in Sofia was set on fire with unclear and to date conditions, goals and consequences – probably with a view to destroying and hiding party documents. With the exception of Dr. Trenchev, UDF leaders assembled on the square characterize the act as a provocation.

Under increasing public protest and strikes on 29. XI. 1990 Lukanov resigns. Zhelev, who will be manipulating certain personalities for years with secret files kept with him, announces compromising data on Peter Beron. On the 4th XII, President Petko Simeonov’s inseparable “satellite” proposes that the UDF NCC vote on the resignation of P. Beron in his absence (Beron is abroad and the Zhelev-Simeonov couple make good use of this opportunity). The scandal erodes the UDF’s prestige and solidifies the BSP’s position. It seems like the right moment – before the appointment of a government office. On 19. XII. The VNS approves the official government of Dimitar Popov, which must, by the end of the VNS’s work and vote on the new constitution, hold elections for the 36th ONA by September 1991. In essence, the cabinet is under the control of the socialists. Deputy Prime Minister and “supervising the power ministries” is the other unchanged “satellite” of Zhelev Dimitar Ludzhev (still from the UDF quota).

The economic crisis in the country is reaching the utmost depth. The shops are empty, the speculation is growing irresistibly, the citizens are being forced to line up in the middle of the yogurt shops in the middle of the night. On 1. II. In 1991, the government announced price liberalization. The new “stabilization”, called “monetary reform”, introduced by Popov’s cabinet, is stepping up inflation and robbing the first and main tranche of household savings. It is not without reason that the BSP has already redistributed state property, creating new, disguised financial structures by extending the work of the Higher Education Institute. Domestic debt exceeds BGN 10 billion. The (possibly pre-programmed) fractionation processes of P. Dertliev and BNSA “Nikola Petkov” begin in the UDF. On May 14, 1991 39 UDF deputies leave the VNS hall with a decisive appeal for early termination of the VNS activities and against the adoption of the constitution by the existing majority. The UDF NCCs vote on the issue of incompatibility of membership with a vote on the constitution. Peter Dertliev, Petko Simeonov and Alexander Karakachanov are forced to leave the NKV. The process of “peeling” begins.

Despite the hunger strike of the 39 MPs, the majority and loyal remains of the UDF on July 12, 1991, in the presence of the President and at a police-bordered border with the police, sign a swiftly constituted constitution. detachments beat and abuse students and citizens in protest demonstrations. At the same time, champagne bottles are being thrown in the plenary in honor of the new constitution. Thus, the “first democratic constitution” after fifty years of pro-Soviet rule is already a fact. However, there is no mention of the freedom and democratic unanimity with which the Tarnovo Constitution was adopted. Not only times, society is already profoundly transformed.

On October 13, 1991, in the elections for the 36th National Assembly, the UDF won by 1% against the BSP. The slogan “with a little but forever is an illusion. Right at this time, Zhelev is looking for all the opportunities to be proposed as a candidate for president of the UDF, Podkrepa, ”said Stefan Savov, but for more than the leaders of the UDF, Zhelev has not yet revealed his true face.

The new government is composed of Philip Dimitrov. Stefan V. was elected Chairman of the National Assembly. On December 31, 1991, the Soviet Union ceased to exist. The August coup, tried several months ago in Moscow by hardline parties, is decisive for the final collapse of the Soviet empire.

On January 13 and 20, 1992, Zhelyu Zhelev was elected president and Blaga Dimitrova was elected vice president.

Meanwhile on 16.1. 1992 Bulgaria is the first to recognize the Republic of Macedonia and other republics that declared independence in the breakup of the former Yugoslavia. The Prime Minister stands unreservedly behind this position, while Stefan Savov, the President and especially the Minister of Foreign Affairs Stoyan Ganev show a marked reservation and even negativism. Even as he joined the government, the foreign minister, with “that list” and other appearances, began competing with the president’s intriguing art, eventually becoming his “satellite” in the “big game.”

On March 23, the first major blows began to destabilize the UDF government – the Podkrepa mining strike. Dimitar Ludzhev goes to Trenchev’s side. Dogan and Michkovski stand against the government. Two months later, F. Dimitrov dismissed Ludzhev and Pushkarov from their posts, but failed to push through his proposals for the minister of industry to be nominated by Murav Radev and for the minister of defense, Hr. Biserov or P. Stoyanov. The Minister of Industry becomes Rumen Bikov, and the Minister of Defense, on the ultimate insistence of the MRF, becomes Al. Stalin.

During his trip to South America, Zhelev permanently joined his “satellites” Mikhail Nedelchev and Stoyan Ganev, but his authority among the democratic public in Bulgaria is declining.

From July 15 to July 20, 1992, Podkrepa organized a universal transport strike in order to provoke the UDF government’s resignation, as it had succeeded in the Lukanov government. However, the Sofia residents show full support for the government and the strike ends with a fiasco. Support has sharply lost its original authority.

Zhelev decides to attack in the front, using the pressed (from his files) DPS leaders. In the shadow, interaction between the BSP and the MRF has been formed. The first one to be demolished is Stefan Savov. However, initial attempts in this regard have failed.

On August 27, Zdravko Popov, an adviser to the president, was fired after revealing his visit to Lebanon to negotiate with a secret arms supplier to embargoed states.

In the duel, Zhelev has to deal his main blow. He did so on August 30, 1992. He appointed a press conference at Boyana Meadows (in fact, the meadow in front of the Boyana residence), accusing the government of delaying reform, waging war with everyone, and demanding radical changes to the cabinet. The battle against the UDF is now fully open.

Three days later, Podkrepa kindly announced that the government was preparing a “military coup”. Immediately afterwards, the Chief of General Staff, Gen. Lyuben Petrov (a “depoliticized” socialist) appears on the screen to “refute” and, in fact, to promote Trenchev’s claims. Throughout September an escalated media campaign against the government escalated, accusing him of preparing for a coup, secret surveillance, the creation of secret police units.

On September 23, Ahmed Dogan, fully committed to Zhelev’s service, meets with Nora Ananiyeva and Chavdar Kyuranov of the BSP to coordinate joint action. Scandalous Chief Investigator Ani Kruleva also performs her number on the political rug. On the 24th IX. Savov is finally forced to resign as chairman of the National Assembly. Philip Dimitrov tries to improve his relations with Dogan on October 7 at the restaurant “Crimea”, but he clearly does not know enough about the “eastern ways” of his rivals. The well-known former Soviet ambassador to Sofia and KGB officer Viktor Sharapov arrives at the Moscow Hotel the same day. Apparently the sympathy for the collapse of the first government of the democratic forces in Bulgaria needs to be consulted at a more educated level. Military factories were also set up, who are coming to Sofia on October 14 to demonstrate before the Council of Ministers. On October 24, after meeting with Zhelev, Dogan said on National Television that he needed a “left turn” and promised “a deputy’s shot” (as a reply to the repeated threat of MP Georgi Markov for a “saddle shot”. later, under the already mentioned “approach” of Zhelev, it was also transformed into a “silent builder” by the group of presidential “satellites”).

Philip Dimitrov did not defy the widespread and vividly negative public opinion of some of his advisers, and after a well-executed tactical move and defense in the plenary, managed to fail (albeit on the fringes of hair) a vote of no confidence in the government. Right now, wishing to show the style of parliamentary practice in some Western European parliaments (forgetting that he is still in the eastern parliament), he put a demand for a “confidence vote” and led to the fall of the government on 28 October 1992.

The already pre-directed “mandate” game by the president follows, with the failure of Philip Dimitrov’s attempts and the comic adventure with BSP proposals by Petar Boyadzhiev. The MRF’s third parliamentary force continues the “mandate consultations” for longer, inviting even the UDF to present its prime ministerial candidates (St. Luchnikov and Yor. Sokolov), rejecting them, after all (with full agreement between the BSP and the DSP). proposes Zhelev’s advisor – Prof. Luben Berov as prime minister. The president is “surprised”. He even claims that he did not know about the application at the time of its official announcement. At 20. XII. 1992 Berov was elected by 124 votes and formed a government.

There is a long period in which democratic change is stagnant, the economy deepening in crisis, and society depressed. A number of successive attempts to vote in favor of a vote of no confidence in the Berov government collapse (with the always unwavering support of the MRF and the UDF renegades). Zhelev is finally becoming a “persona non grata” for the vast majority of the democratic Bulgarian public. Tucked away and subjected to public humiliation, he retires to his residence, presidency and escorted armored car, in anticipation of better days. When the devastation in the country reaches the limit and in the continuous treatment of the public for the failure caused by “democratization” (if that the UDF government had been in existence for less than a year) and with the cleverly used by the Socialists the degradation in agriculture by the “liquidation commissions”, the secret misinformation of “opinion polls” for the public opinion (misleading some UDF deputies) and general agreement for early elections, the president saw the light he was expecting in his tunnel. For the first time in the fall of 1994, he publicly withdrew confidence from the government of his advisor and, after a vote at the National Assembly, appointed an office with Prime Minister Reneta Indjova to hold early elections for the 37th National Assembly. which she expected in her tunnel. For the first time in the fall of 1994, he publicly withdrew confidence from the government of his advisor and, after a vote at the National Assembly, appointed an office with Prime Minister Reneta Indjova to hold early elections for the 37th National Assembly. which she expected in her tunnel. For the first time in the fall of 1994, he publicly withdrew confidence from the government of his advisor and, after a vote at the National Assembly, appointed an office with Prime Minister Reneta Indjova to hold early elections for the 37th National Assembly.

Both the unrealistic notions of the Democratic support for the electorate and the rifting split in the UDF were disturbing. Despite active attempts to understand between two contentious leaders in the UDF (in order to preserve the unity of the coalition and prevent an absolute majority of socialists in parliament), results were not achieved. From my humble contribution as an independent publicist, who tried to support this understanding in the name of democracy and the prosperity of our people, I was left with the very sad impression that not so many principles and ideological differences, but above all personal motives, are at the root of the separation. Immediately before the election Savov struck an agreement with Anastasia Moser and formed the People’s Union, which participated in the elections independently.

On December 18, 1994 the BSP and the coalition received 43.5%, the UDF – 24.2%, the People’s Union – 6.5%, the MRF – 5.4%, the Bulgarian Business Bloc – 4.7%. Dertliev, Al. Tomov, the Ginyo Ganev Patriotic Union, despite all the strains, remained out of parliament.

After taking into account the unsatisfactory results of the elections, Ivan Kostov, an economist with an emphatic pragmatic orientation, a former minister from the cabinet of Dim, was elected to the leadership of the UDF leadership. Popov and Philip Dimitrov.

In the first months of his reign, Jean Videnov’s socialist government quickly spent its more populist promises, delayed by nearly a year with the “structural reform” halted by no other government and was in fact initially obsessed with financial groups and “friendly circles”. Only when he became convinced that he was in the “middle of the swamp” and was squeezed by the international conditions and requirements of the International Monetary Fund, did he attempt to take the initial steps in “structural reform” and provoke the worst financial and economic crisis and his own collapse .

Back in early 1996, these trends were already apparent, becoming quite real in the spring and summer to reach their dramatic finale in the fall and winter of that year.

The UDF, for its part, was slowly releasing itself from a narrow party-political framework and was seeking new formulas for a nation-wide expression of its ideas. New, unexplained and uncompromising environments were sought, connected to different strata of the people. Their position in opposition and the lessons of the recent past had relieved them of quite negative complexes of power. The personalities and their capabilities, events and their consequences have become truly important. It was, in fact, a logical but painful maturation of a society that had gone through emotions, hopes, trials and disappointments.

Yet, some still believed in mythologists who had established themselves over the past dramatic years, in which it accidentally presented itself as a regularity and gave its ephemeral historical guarantee. One of these mythologists was President Zhelev – artificially saturated with both pluses and minuses.

I will make a brief digression to illustrate this. At the end of 1995, a group of intellectuals and public figures approached me with a proposal to be nominated by them as presidential candidate against Zhelev’s “criminal policy” (he had already expressed his desire to run for the next term). I replied that I had no reason to call Zhelev’s policy “criminal” – neither in substance nor in relation to the nation. Something more. If the president had any indisputable quality, it was his honesty. Dignity, unfortunately, is very scarce in Bulgarian political reality. A separate issue is that during his reign, Zhelev caused a crisis in Bulgaria’s democratic development. This was due to subjective and objective factors, for which he was responsible and who would never allow him to resurface. I also told them that democracy, salvation from the crisis and the future require a single candidature from the democratic circles – and that is the UDF (they already mentioned the names of Yordan Sokolov, Ivan Grigorov, etc.). Any other nomination that would divert votes from the UDF is against democracy, salvation and our future. This ended the case.

On January 7, 1996, the then UDF Deputy Chairman Petar Stoyanov came to me and invited me to Ivan Kostov for an immediate meeting with senior representatives of the Union’s leadership. At a meeting that took place outside Sofia a few hours later, the UDF chairman, in the presence of deputy chairmen, informed me of their decision to propose my candidacy for an independent president, fully supported by the UDF, without any preconditions. I was somewhat surprised. This was an unprecedented case in contemporary Bulgarian history – when a party-political formation provided the number one post to an external and independent representative. Something more. This was proof that the UDF was moving from a mere party-political formation to a nationwide unifying force.

It is too early to share the conversations and developments in front of an audience. The reason I mention this case is precisely the sustainable preservation of mythologists in our political life. On the eve of the primary elections on June 1, 1996, the UDF president invited me to make a personal statement on national television in support of the UDF candidate. I was amazed that those who had decided this did not allow any possibility for Zhelev. I replied jokingly that I considered my word not “light cavalry” but “heavy artillery”. In my opinion, the need for such a statement could have come on the eve of the second round of real elections, at the end of October, when, in a certain situation, the Socialists would add the simple sum of their electorate to the “fans” of a comical (but sometimes surprising) candidacy and thus fail (albeit by several percent) the UDF candidate. In such a case, my expression would be an honor, an idea, and a civilian duty that is perfectly appropriate and necessary. But on the eve of the early elections, convinced of the categorical victory of the UDF candidate, I would never afford to take part in a scene of “kicking a dead horse” in front of a four million television audience.

In October, however, it turned out that neither socialists would have the courage to appeal to their electorate to cast their votes “for the benefit of the race,” nor did the party already have such an “iron order” that “as one” would be included in the libretto of a comic ” led “in the political life of Bulgaria.

The Zhelev myth, however, remained alive for some politicians, even in the dramatic months leading up to the April 19, 1997 elections, when it ended with the demeanor low number of votes the “myth” barely managed to garner.

Just before the early elections (but not unrelated to them), King Simeon II visited his homeland for the first time after half a century of exile. During the years of the totalitarian regime, all possibilities for any information about the exiled king were cut off. But on a quiet Sunday afternoon, just a few months after November 10, 1989, he crossed the threshold of his homeland through the television screen of Every Sunday and entered the human home in every Bulgarian home. The first to conquer his people Simeon II on the television screen was pure patriotism – restrained and wise, combined with humanism and tolerance. Two completely deficient features of the worldview of the party leadership that has dominated the country for decades.

His opinion on Bulgaria’s international politics, economic problems and national unity were not service recipes or complete denials taught to us by demagogues and extremists, but rather pervasive insights from the dramatic and full of vicissitudes and trials our post-Liberation history. A formula for the contemporary critical moment that no one had presented so logically, understandably and clearly.

Neither on television, nor on radio or in journalistic interviews did Simeon II lose the dignity of a tsar, the ethics of a citizen, and the deep-seated excitement of a Bulgarian, intensely interested in the fate of his fatherland.

To this Bulgarian and tsar, our people made in the twenty spring days of 1996 a welcome in villages, towns, monasteries and churches that Bulgaria did not know. His tact, immediacy and outspoken stance prompted hundreds of thousands of young Bulgarians who did not know him until now to accept him as a symbol of Bulgaria’s millennial eternity, a strong support for the present and a hope for the future.

All of the above history of post-totalitarian Bulgaria is necessary to illustrate the specific course of change for democracy and market economy in our country.

Like nowhere in the Eastern European countries after the Soviet occupation and the imposition of the communist dictatorship, in Bulgaria the main layers of the Bulgarian intelligentsia were liquidated. Those who have managed to preserve themselves have joined and, in many cases, have become an obedient and productive part of the “socialist intelligentsia” that has implemented our economic, scientific and cultural development over the past half century. The dramatic events after 9. IX. 1944 – The approach and the means by which the administrative changes in the city and the collectivization in the village were carried out, broke the spirit and national confidence of the people. In a word, in Bulgaria there was no one to lead or to carry out broad popular movements against the imposed Soviet dictatorship, as they developed in East Germany (1953), Hungary (1956),

A managerial caste formed in Bulgaria, hiding behind “class affiliation” but exercising government as a political and economic elite. An oligarchy-bound family-caste that even dissidents had to seek out and broadcast when it came time to do so.

After 10, XI. In 1989, the political elite had to some extent lost their positions, but the economic elite had dug itself into the economic structures and started its “material swelling” – raising and exporting national capital outside the country.

Part of the political elite sought a place in the new “democratic formations”, though it was soon exposed and had to at least partially peel off. However, most of this elite sought the “right path” and invaded the growing banking and financial system, a phenomenon that prevented people’s savings from engaging in “small-scale privatization”, as happened in Hungary, the Czech Republic and Poland (and which was actually the normal path to a market economy). It is this parasitic and rapid expansion of the banking and financial system that has turned the major part of the political oligarchy into a political and financial oligarchy. The system that by setting up banks, credit millionaires, insurance companies, groups, “friendly circles”, holdings,

The fulfillment of this hidden purpose explains the persistence of the governments from Lukanov to Videnov to keep the executive in their hands for as long as possible. The inexperience, the internal implantation, the mistakes made by the democratic forces were used as a cover-up for the crimes of the representatives of the financial-political oligarchy and the governments it supports in every respect.

After the election of the 14th XII. In 1994, a full-blown power returned to power from the political oligarchy, which had now become a sibling with strong external and internal financial ties. Overconfident, arrogant and arrogant, she continued with a much more brutal approach, the processes that had taken place until then and in a matter of months through the collapse of the banking system, the “pyramids”, friendships, the unprecedented cereal crisis, led to the end of November and the beginning of December. 1996 The country goes bankrupt. Throughout 1996, internal party struggles developed within the BSP leadership, leading the government and the economy even more persistently to failure. On December 20-22, 1996, an extraordinary party congress took place, on the eve of which Videnov resigned and refused to take a leading position in the new Supreme Party Council. According to an old habit in Congress, the “hardline” prevailed and their decisions were peremptory: “power until the end of the term”. The whole “high forum” was like the Merry Walk of the Blind, painted by Brugel 300 years ago. There was no one to give them any meaningful advice. Both “strategists” and “theorists” had sank to the ground.

After the congress, the headstrong collapse of the lev began. Its depreciation developed with the speed of hours and plundered the last levs of the impoverished people. Domestic debt had reached BGN 600 billion and had to be repaid through the torn pockets of “ordinary people”. Everyone already agreed that a Currency Board should be introduced – but how could it be when the government was resigned, no one could say. Early on the morning of January 10, 1997, the people in the capital took to the streets and together with the students blocked the building of the National Assembly, calling for early elections. In the plenary, the opposition had a modest intention to put on the agenda a vote on its recovery complex program. The majority manifested their “iron stubbornness” and thus secured the beginning of the end.

Not the political forces anymore, but the people outlined the thrust of this development throughout the day at 10. I, on the dramatic night of 10 vs. 11 January, and in all 26 days until the final collapse of socialist rule. For the second time, there has been a collapse without any violent action against the authorities and in the unfortunate scenes of fear, confusion, incompetence and helplessness on the part of the “authorities”.

The leadership of the Communist Party, and later of the Socialists, never found the courage to ask ordinary human excuses for the consequences of its rule. Even when its leaders already had banks and millions of dollars of assets abroad, they introduced the wildest form of capitalism – the initial accumulation of capital – for their own benefit. Human apologies, above all, to those who believed in the bright ideas of a utopia, were given their lives so that those who were now “representatives of their ideology” could take the top of the new capitalist class – predatory, insatiable and reckless. An apology to the Bulgarian people who were lied to, exploited and humiliated in the name of some “bright future” that turned out to be a reality only for a handful of elected people. The people,

From a historical and moral point of view, this was the most important thing that the leaders of the socialist party could not do in the last days, hours and minutes of their rule. They simply lacked the ethics, civic feeling and human behavior about it.

In February and March, under the government of Stefan Sofiyanski, the democratic forces were preparing for elections and for a new mandate to rule in the dire conditions of a currency board and of economic disruption. A new cavalcade of co-workers was flocking to their ranks because the most important thing was the “distribution of posts”. But what did they actually wear? What would the new democratic government be like and what would it lead to? Now, in the early spring of 1997, no one knew. At least – not yet written pages of Bulgarian history.

From the book: “HISTORY OF BULGARIA WITH SOME HISTORICAL FACTS SUSPENDED”

THE MATERIAL OF THE BOOK IS FROM TRANSCRIPTS OF PUBLIC WORDS PUBLISHED BY PETER KONSTANTINOV

ABOUT THE AUTHOR:

Prof. Dr. Peter Konstantinov is a Bulgarian publicist, writer and publicist, historian, art historian and physician.

Until his death, he is the chairman of the National Association “Mati Bulgaria” – a non-profit organization that for the last 20 years has been extremely active in our country and abroad for awakening, preserving and spreading the Bulgarian national spirit, folk traditions and our historical memory . Chairman of the National Committee for the Protection of the Rights of Bulgarians Beyond the Present Borders of Bulgaria.

Peter Konstantinov was born on August 1, 1928 in the town of Kazanlak.

He graduated from the Medical University and the Higher Institute of Economics in Sofia, majoring in political economy. He specializes in internal medicine, cardiology and rheumatology in Sofia and Greifswald. Until 1984 he was a physician in the system of the Ministry of Transport, the General Directorate of the Construction Forces and the Clinic for Internal Diseases and Therapy at the Medical Academy in Sofia.

He has authored more than 30 books – novels, short stories, collections, short stories, fiction and fiction, most of which have been published in three, four and five editions.

His more famous books are “Tradition from the Missing City”, “Hadji Adem”, “Irmena”, the tetralogy “Blue Amethyst”, “Lights in the Morning”, “Tale of the Valley of the Roses”, “The Eternal God”, “The Inspiration of One Century “,” Old Plovdiv “,” History of Bulgaria with some historical facts silenced so far “,” For and against the national interests of Bulgaria “,” Return of Prometheus “,” Treasures of Bulgaria “,” Treasures of Europe “,” Treasures of the World, “etc.

He is also the author of over 200 scientific papers in the fields of medicine, the arts, political economy and history and over 2000 publications in periodicals.

Petar Konstantinov is one of the founders and chairman of the National Association “Mati Bulgaria” – the first nationwide organization after the democratic changes in 1989.

For the last 22 years he has been extremely active in the country and abroad for awakening, preserving and spreading the Bulgarian folk spirit, folk traditions and historical memory.

As chairman of the National Committee for the Protection of the Rights of Bulgarians Beyond the Present Borders of Bulgaria and the National Committee for the Protection of Historical Truth in Bulgaria, he has assisted with the support of the general public for the formation of a true and functioning civil society in our country.

On July 30, 2009, Peter Konstantinov was awarded the title “Honorary Citizen of Kazanlak”.

Married, has a son. After a serious illness she rested in Sofia on June 12, 2011.