THE DEATH OF THE MILADINOV BROTHERS: “Speaking of Patriotism” by Peter Dinekov – part 1

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Konstantin Miladinov (1830-1862)

The one hundred and forty-one years since the appearance of the distinguished collection of brothers Dimitar and Konstantin Miladinov’s “Bulgarian Folk Songs”, published in 1861 in Zagreb, aroused great interest among our people. The publication of the Miladin’s collection is a great event not only in the history of Bulgarian folklore, but also in the history of Bulgarian culture in general. Several remarkable collections and books devoted to Bulgarian folk poetry – “Bulgarian Songs from the Collections of Yu. Venelina, ND Katranova and other Bulgarians “by the Russian scientist P. Bessonov (Moscow, 1855),” Index “by Rakovski (Odessa, 1859),” Folk Song of the Macedonian Bugari “by the Bosnian archeologist Art. Verkovich (Belgrade, 1860), L. Karavelov’s “Monuments of the Bulgarian Folklore” (Moscow, 1861) and the collection of Miladinovtsi. After the first attempts of V. Karadzic, Y. Iv. Venelin, V. Aprilov, N. Gerov, Iv. Bogorov, Art. Vraz, PR Slaveikov et al. to draw the attention of the scientific world to the Bulgarian folklore collections from the middle of the century show immense artistic wealth, reveal the amazing poetic genius of an unknown people, who is still smoking under heavy slavery. The collection of Dimitar and Konstantin Miladinovi should be placed first among these collections.

If only this compilation had been compiled and published by the two brothers, their names would have entered into the history of our people and the Slavs in general. But the collection is just one moment in their fruitful heroic life. This life begins in Struga, on the shore of Lake Ohrid, and ends in the dungeon of Constantinople. Despite the age difference (Dimitar is 20 years older), the two brothers’ paths are most closely intertwined, leading to a common goal and ending in a common tragic fate. Their activity coincides with the period when the Bulgarian national revival of Macedonia deepened and when the danger of Greater Greek chauvinist propaganda especially stood out. The Greek bourgeoisie developed earlier, has close links with the culturally advanced Western nations, Previously, it embraced the ideas of European Enlightenment and in the late 18th and early 19th centuries created a powerful Enlightenment movement with cultural centers in Epirus, Thessaly, Asia Minor, the islands, Constantinople and elsewhere. Usually, in places where there are large Greek commercial colonies, schools are also settled. During this period, the Greek schools in Constantinople (the high school in the Kuruceshme neighborhood), Athens, Kidonia, Smyrna, Chios Island, Bucharest, Melnik and others became especially famous. In the first decades of the 19th century, Bulgarians who did not yet have well-established schools looked to the Greek schools and studied there N. Bozveli, N. Rilski, GS Rakovski, R. Popovich, Iv. Seliminski, G. Krastevich, Iv. Dobrovski, K. Fotinov, P. Beron, Il. Makariopolski, etc. For the same reasons, youth in Macedonia is directed to the Greek schools where D. Miladinov, K. Miladinov, R. Jinzifov, City. Perlichev et al.

The positive role that Greek education played in the initial period of our national revival must not be denied. Initially, it did not relate to denationalisation tasks, or as K. Shapkarev notes, “then there was not that Greek fanaticism and that thirst for devotion that were born after the appearance of the Bulgarian church issue. At the time, everyone recognized themselves as Bulgarians, not studying Greek, not because they thought of themselves as Greeks or to become so, but simply because there were schools and textbooks in that language. ” Bulgarian in Macedonia “, Bulgarian Review, II, 1895, Vol. 9-10, p. 276).

The role of Greek education significantly diminished when the doors of Russian schools were opened for Bulgarian youth and the school system in the country was reformed, creating numerous new-type schools. The ebb and flow of Greek schools increased even more when the Greek nationalist bourgeoisie began to use Greek clergy and Greek education for its panellinist purposes. Under the influence of Greek propaganda, as R. Ginsifov writes, when young Bulgarians studying in Athens returned to their homeland, they “became Greek teachers and disseminators of Greek ideas, ashamed to be called Bulgarians, even though their relatives they do not know a single Greek word ”(Dimitar and Konstantin Miladinovi, Day Magazine, 1862, issue 46). In this connection, the fight against the Phanariotic clergy also began. The church struggle is essentially a struggle for the consolidation of Bulgarian nationality in the Turkish Empire against the Hellenistic aspirations of the Greek bourgeoisie. “The meaning of ‘church struggle’,” writes D. Blagoev, “is not in obtaining a national church and exarchy, but in separating and recognizing Bulgarian nationality in Turkey as a separate entity. Until then, the Bulgarian nationality was not recognized by either Turkey or the Greek Patriarchate. Turkey called the Bulgarians the offensive name “Orummillets”, “Greek people”, which is understood by all Christians. The point was to get Turkey to recognize the Bulgarians as a separate nation from the Greeks, with an independent right to study Bulgarian, to open Bulgarian schools, to have a Bulgarian church with Bulgarian clergy. Because the “church struggle” was a purely national political struggle to recognize the Bulgarian nationality in Turkey as a separate national unit on an equal footing with the Greek (Contribution to the History of Socialism in Bulgaria, 1949, pp. 49-50). These aspirations are particularly evident in Macedonia, where Greek influence – because of its geographical proximity to major Greek economic and cultural centers – has penetrated deeper, Greek has become established in churches and schools. This influence is so strong that for a long time Bulgarians use a Greek letter (they write in their own language in Greek letters); even Miladinovtsi’s collection was originally written in Greek. It is precisely in the fight against Greekism, in the movement to introduce the native Bulgarian language into the churches and schools, in the consolidation of the Bulgarian national consciousness, that the basic meaning of the two brothers’ work lies.

Beginning in such a socio-historical setting, the Miladinovi brothers’ work represents an important moment in the history of the Bulgarian national revival. The Miladinov people are fighting for the consolidation of the Bulgarian nationality through the consolidation of the native language, the expansion of the Bulgarian education, the independence of the Bulgarian church, the raising of the patriotic consciousness of the Bulgarian people. They also use a powerful tool that no one before them has used with such success and with such skill – folk poetry. Through it they show the heroic past of the people, the exceptional poetic talent of ordinary working people, the richness and beauty of the language, everyday life, legends and traditions of the Bulgarian people. Socio-patriotic, the educational and folklore activities of the Miladinovi brothers are most closely connected, they represent an inseparable unity. The endless devotion with which they serve the national revival and patriotic aspirations of their people leads them to the dungeon of Constantinople, where they tragically perish.

For many years, Skopje historians have been trying to detach the work of Dimitar and Konstantin Miladinovi from the Bulgarian national revival and to present Macedonia’s national revival in a transformative light. In this pursuit, they reach incredible perversions of historical facts. For example, one of the Miladinovtsi Skopje biographers wrote the following fictions: “In the fight against the common enemy – the Patriarchate of Constantinople – the weak Macedonian bourgeoisie finds a natural ally in the more developed Bulgarian bourgeoisie, which also fights for liberation from the patriarchate. She takes over the leadership of the struggle in her own hands and begins making plans to shift Greek influence in Macedonia and replace it with Bulgarian … “And further:” The process of Bulgarian influence goes only on the surface, capturing a smaller part of the Macedonian urban population, which is closely related to the Bulgarian bourgeoisie. The majority of the urban population and the peasantry declare themselves in defense of their economic interests and demand the resumption of the Archdiocese of Ohrid “(New Macedonia newspaper, February 24, 1961). This view is in absolute contradiction with the historical facts, which show that there is complete unity in the economic and cultural development of the population in Macedonia with the population in other parts of Bulgaria during the epoch of our national revival and that during this period we cannot refer to some national differentiation and other, different from the Bulgarian, national consciousness of the Slavic population in Macedonia. Then to speak Macedonian language, Macedonian schools and churches as things other than Bulgarian, schools and churches, presents a gross distortion of the facts. Even the reference to the Archdiocese of Ohrid is completely baseless and pointless, because throughout its history, even in the 18th century, when it was destroyed, it is called in all official documents Bulgarian. The work of Dimitar and Konstantin Miladinovi, sons of Macedonia, ardent patriots who devote their entire lives to the struggle for Bulgarian language and Bulgarian schools in Macedonia, was part of the great work of our national revivalists, it best attests to the unbreakable unity of the revival of Macedonia with the general Bulgarian national revival. is called in all official documents Bulgarian. The work of Dimitar and Konstantin Miladinovi, sons of Macedonia, ardent patriots who devote their entire lives to the struggle for Bulgarian language and Bulgarian schools in Macedonia, was part of the great work of our national revivalists, it best attests to the unbreakable unity of the revival of Macedonia with the general Bulgarian national revival. is called in all official documents Bulgarian. The work of Dimitar and Konstantin Miladinovi, sons of Macedonia, ardent patriots who devote their entire lives to the struggle for Bulgarian language and Bulgarian schools in Macedonia, was part of the great work of our national revivalists, it best attests to the unbreakable unity of the revival of Macedonia with the general Bulgarian national revival.

The hometown of the two Struga brothers is located at the northern end of Lake Ohrid – where the Drin River flows. Struga, Ohrid and Lake Ohrid are connected with most of the activities of Miladinovtsi. The beautiful nature of this region, and especially the beauty of the lake and the historical monuments and legends, proudly filled the soul of Miladinovtsi and contributed a lot to their ardent patriotism. Not by chance later in Moscow, Konstantin remembers with deep nostalgia for his native land:

Give me a wing to throw and fly into our turn; in our places to go to see Ohrid, Struga to see. The dawn is warming the soul and the sun is shining brightly in the forest; just the gifts of natural power with the same splendor shattered them: you look at a clear lake by Beleite, or by a wind of Sinotemite; look at the field or the mountain, segment of god its beauty. To play in the heart by heart, to dream, to dream, to die.

In this setting, full of natural beauty and historical memories, grow up two brothers – Dimitar, born in 1810 and Constantine – in 1830. Struga is a town of agriculture, fishing, small crafts. The family is crowded – six sons and two daughters; Christo’s father is a poor potter, ignorant himself. Thirsty for enlightenment, he wants to study at least one of his sons. He often complained to his fellow citizens: “I listen to the church sing the gospel, but scho marifet, scho fyde from it, when I do not understand anything” (K. Shapka roar, Materials for the life history of the brothers X. Miladinovi, 1884, p. 7 ). Hristo Miladinov visited the former Austro-Hungary at a young age and could compare the lives of the Slavs there with the fate of the enslaved population in Turkey. He sends his first son Dimitar to the monastery “St. Naum “to learn to read in Greek. Here Dimitar spent some time as a novice and studied under the tutelage of the abbot. Returning to Struga, he was already considered a scientist. But Dimitar himself saw clearly that his knowledge was inadequate. Therefore, he continued his education at the Greek school in Ohrid and completed it successfully, overcoming major material obstacles (his father died during this time); he turned his attention to the Greek ruler and the chieftains of Ohrid. Here, in Ohrid, in 1830 Dimitar Miladinov began his teaching activity. overcoming great material obstacles (the father died during this time); he turned his attention to the Greek ruler and the chieftains of Ohrid. Here, in Ohrid, in 1830 Dimitar Miladinov began his teaching activity. overcoming great material obstacles (the father died during this time); he turned his attention to the Greek ruler and the chieftains of Ohrid. Here, in Ohrid, in 1830 Dimitar Miladinov began his teaching activity.

The fate of Dimitar Miladinov is the fate of a Bulgarian teacher during the Renaissance – wandering from city to city, forced interruptions, persecution. D. Miladinov combines his enlightenment activities with the constant struggle against the fanatical clergy. At first glance, it seems paradoxical that he was educated as a first-rate Hellenist, a deep admirer of Hellenic culture, even writing his letters in Greek, and at the same time using all his powers to introduce Bulgarian into the school and the church. In 1857, he wrote to the Cucusians: “I jump for joy, looking at your love and your pursuit of our mother tongue, and most of all, because many of the young and priests have sincerely decided to study the Slavic language, so that after a few months they will be able to serve the divine service in our ancestral ancestral language. The Greeks look at you wrong! Have Breast Slavs and Breast Show! They reproach our Slav-Pelazgic language, one of the oldest and richest languages, and call it barbaric! Use your fingers to point out Slavic philologists, physicists, mathematicians, and other scientists in Russia, the Czech Republic, Dalmatia, Poland, Galicia, Slovakia, Croatia, and so to speak, from the Arctic Ocean to the Adriatic Sea and from the interior of Germany to Epirus and Thessaly, who enjoy the fruits of enlightenment. The very letter of Miladinov was written in Greek. The following lines in it are exciting: “Oh, how ashamed I am to express my Slavic feelings in Greek and only recently have I begun to understand the Slavic language” (The Day, 1862, Issue 46). Dim’s self-esteem. Miladinov, an expression of his deep love for the Slavs, as clearly demonstrated in this letter, does not mean a lack of a certain national consciousness. It is obvious that he only opposes Slavic to Greek, but when he speaks a Slavic language, in this case he understands Bulgarian.

Indeed, at his first schooling in Ohrid (1830-1832), D. Miladinov began to teach Greek, in particular, according to some reports, he even then tried to use Bulgarian in church. He is not happy with the education he has. After one year as a secretary in the office of a merchant from Durres, where he studied Italian, D. Miladinov continued his studies at the Greek high school in Ioannina, where he remained until 1836-1837. Greek education, once taught by Eugene Voulgaris, called the “new Plato,” and one of Em’s students. Kant-Psalidi, the young Bulgarian gets a solid culture. Ianin High School is very well equipped, has a large library, has a physical and chemical office, gives serious humanitarian and natural science knowledge. The Greek schools were at that height at that time. The Bulgarian young people in them, on the one hand, became acquainted with the achievements of the modern culture, and on the other, were inspired by the reform and patriotic aspirations of the Greek teachers. What is more – they were able to separate the Greek people and their culture from the fanatical clergy – oppressors and denationalizers.

D. Miladinov came out of the Yanin High School with very good preparation as a Hellenistic teacher. This preparation is evident everywhere he taught in the following years: Ohrid (1837-1839), Struga (1840), Kukush (1840-1842), Ohrid (1842-1845), Struga (1846), the village of Magarevo near Bitola (1847— 1852), Bitola (1852-1854). He manages to arrange the schools, expand their program, and with his brilliant pedagogical abilities attracts many students. K. Shapkarev notes: “He transformed the teaching and teaching system in the school, pushed the teaching very far and breathed in the cities where he taught, and in their surroundings, a strong love of science and a zealous zeal for science.” And further: “With his students Dimitri was always courteous and kind, as with his own children, a peculiar crawl to the former teachers who were tyrannical, torturous to frail infancy. Therefore, he was attracted, like Socrates, to the love of his disciples. In teaching, he was clear and understanding of the lessons, and a wonderful teaching, inspiring spirit embellished him, and made his students easier to progress. City. Perlichev, a student of D. Miladinov, characterizing his brilliant teaching activity in his autobiography, adds: “He had something attractive in every act. Word flowed from his mouth like honey. Sacred fire burned in his eyes “(Autobiography, Collection of Folk Works, Vol. XI, 1894, p. 357). D. Miladinov’s students note especially his interest in classical languages ​​and literature, which he taught with great skill and passion. he had attracted, like Socrates, the love of his disciples. In teaching, he was clear and understanding of the lessons, and a wonderful teaching, inspiring spirit embellished him, and made his students easier to progress. City. Perlichev, a student of D. Miladinov, characterizing his brilliant teaching activity in his autobiography, adds: “He had something attractive in every act. Word flowed from his mouth like honey. Sacred fire burned in his eyes “(Autobiography, Collection of Folk Works, Vol. XI, 1894, p. 357). D. Miladinov’s students note especially his interest in classical languages ​​and literature, which he taught with great skill and passion. he had attracted, like Socrates, the love of his disciples. In teaching, he was clear and understanding of the lessons, and a wonderful teaching, inspiring spirit embellished him, and made his students easier to progress. City. Perlichev, a student of D. Miladinov, characterizing his brilliant teaching activity in his autobiography, adds: “He had something attractive in every act. Word flowed from his mouth like honey. Sacred fire burned in his eyes “(Autobiography, Collection of Folk Works, Vol. XI, 1894, p. 357). D. Miladinov’s students note especially his interest in classical languages ​​and literature, which he taught with great skill and passion. an inspiring spirit adorned him and facilitated his disciples’ progress “(” Materials for the Life Description … “, p. 10:13). City. Perlichev, a student of D. Miladinov, characterizing his brilliant teaching activity in his autobiography, adds: “He had something attractive in every act. Word flowed from his mouth like honey. Sacred fire burned in his eyes “(Autobiography, Collection of Folk Works, Vol. XI, 1894, p. 357). D. Miladinov’s students note especially his interest in classical languages ​​and literature, which he taught with great skill and passion. an inspiring spirit adorned him and facilitated his disciples’ progress “(” Materials for the Life Description … “, p. 10:13). City. Perlichev, a student of D. Miladinov, characterizing his brilliant teaching activity in his autobiography, adds: “He had something attractive in every act. Word flowed from his mouth like honey. Sacred fire burned in his eyes “(Autobiography, Collection of Folk Works, Vol. XI, 1894, p. 357). D. Miladinov’s students note especially his interest in classical languages ​​and literature, which he taught with great skill and passion. Word flowed from his mouth like honey. Sacred fire burned in his eyes “(Autobiography, Collection of Folk Works, Vol. XI, 1894, p. 357). D. Miladinov’s students note especially his interest in classical languages ​​and literature, which he taught with great skill and passion. Word flowed from his mouth like honey. Sacred fire burned in his eyes “(Autobiography, Collection of Folk Works, Vol. XI, 1894, p. 357). D. Miladinov’s students note especially his interest in classical languages ​​and literature, which he taught with great skill and passion.

We have little information about his patriotic activity during the first years of his teaching. All we know is that he translated church prayers into Bulgarian (written in Greek letters) so that the priests could read them in church. This arouses the discontent of the Greek rulers who, in the 1940s, began their persecution against him. But D. Miladinov continued to teach in Greek, which surprised even Russian scientist Professor V. Grigorovich, who in 1845 visited Ohrid. D. Miladinov accompanies him to Struga, where Grigorovich recorded even one folk song – “Bulgarian song” – by the mother of Miladinovtsi, a very good singer. The Russian scientist is delighted with the pure Slavic-Bulgarian speech he listens to in Ohrid and orders Miladinov to compile a Bulgarian grammar of the local dialect. This meeting with Grigorovich was important for strengthening the Slavic and Bulgarian feelings of D. Miladinov and probably for the first time aroused his interest in folk art. The patriot, the fighter for the Bulgarian national consciousness, the opponent of the Greek nationalist aspirations in Macedonia, is becoming more and more aware. Based on information gathered in Ohrid, E. Sprostranov reports that by this time D. Miladinov was already aware of the need to replace the Greek with Bulgarian. He said to his disciples, “Lovely children! I teach you a foreign language, but this teaching is unfair. It is unlikely that another people will be found lower and lower than ours. Elsewhere, nobody gets their first education in a foreign language, but learns from their mother and father. The day will come and it will be near when we will start learning in our Bulgarian mother tongue too ”(E. With a repertoire, On the Revival of the City of Ohrid, SBU, Book. XIII, p. 621).

Shapkarev explicitly notes that, as a teacher in Bitola, he closely monitored D. Miladinov’s life and observed his constant heated disputes with the Bitola-Zincari citizens. The extraordinarily interesting letter which D. Miladinov sent in 1852 to the editor of the Constantinople newspaper Al. Exarch. In it, he stressed the danger of the spread of Greek in Macedonia, defended the need for children to start teaching their mother tongue at school, points to the main obstacle to “Slavic progress” – the Greek clergy. D. Miladinov writes: … “six eighteen almost all of Macedonia, inhabited by monolingual Bulgarians, all learn the Hellenic letter and the Hellenes are called Hellenes …” And here, as he does many times, Miladinov emphasizes, that in Macedonia the fight against Hellenism is a struggle for the Bulgarian language and the Bulgarian national consciousness. He emphasizes that there are huge obstacles to the cultural and cultural progress of the people and they come primarily from the Greek clergy. D. Miladinov warns: “The Hellenic language will become irresistible to the local places, unless strong measures are taken. Many Slavic Bulgarians have studied and studied in Athens, and over time, morals and language are formed, and therefore nationality is mixed with emotions. ”(Supplement to Minalo Magazine, 1912, pp. 17-19). The letter to Al. Exarch marks an important stage in the social activity of D. Miladinov – his decisive opposition to Greekism in Macedonia, a decisive struggle for national awareness of its population. that there are huge obstacles to the cultural and cultural progress of the people and they come primarily from the Greek clergy. D. Miladinov warns: “The Hellenic language will become irresistible to the local places, unless strong measures are taken. Many Slavic Bulgarians have studied and studied in Athens, and over time, morals and language are formed, and therefore nationality is mixed with emotions. ”(Supplement to Minalo Magazine, 1912, pp. 17-19). The letter to Al. Exarch marks an important stage in the social activity of D. Miladinov – his decisive opposition to Greekism in Macedonia, a decisive struggle for national awareness of its population. that there are huge obstacles to the cultural and cultural progress of the people and they come primarily from the Greek clergy. D. Miladinov warns: “The Hellenic language will become irresistible to the local places, unless strong measures are taken. Many Slavic Bulgarians have studied and studied in Athens, and over time, morals and language are formed, and therefore nationality is mixed with emotions. ”(Supplement to Minalo Magazine, 1912, pp. 17-19). The letter to Al. Exarch marks an important stage in the social activity of D. Miladinov – his decisive opposition to Greekism in Macedonia, a decisive struggle for national awareness of its population. Many Slavic Bulgarians have studied and studied in Athens, and over time, morals and language are formed, and therefore nationality is mixed with emotions. ”(Supplement to Minalo Magazine, 1912, pp. 17-19). The letter to Al. Exarch marks an important stage in the social activity of D. Miladinov – his decisive opposition to Greekism in Macedonia, a decisive struggle for national awareness of its population. Many Slavic Bulgarians have studied and studied in Athens, and over time, morals and language are formed, and therefore nationality is mixed with emotions. ”(Supplement to Minalo Magazine, 1912, pp. 17-19). The letter to Al. Exarch marks an important stage in the social activity of D. Miladinov – his decisive opposition to Greekism in Macedonia, a decisive struggle for national awareness of its population.

In the late 1940s and early 1950s, his younger brother Konstantin also stood in the enlightenment work and struggle to D. Miladinov. Born in 1830, he studied with his brother in Struga, Ohrid and Kukus, after which Dimitar sent him to finish high school in Ioannina. Returning there, Constantine taught for two years (1847-1849) in the village of Tarnovo near Bitola. Here, he formed himself as a patriot, living most closely with his brother and leading with him a heated debate with local Greeks. In 1849 Constantine went to Athens and completed Hellenic philology at the University of Athens (1852). Then, at the recommendation of his brother, he spent some time at the Zograf Monastery to study Slavic at the Theological School, founded by Partenii Zografski, a graduate of the Moscow Theological Academy. In 1852-1853 Constantine taught in the village of Magarevo, Bitola,

The Crimean War, which began in 1853, represents an important moment in the life and social activity of Miladinovtsi. It provokes a common patriotic uplift and awakens the hopes of the people for near liberation. Interest in Russia is growing. R. Jinzifov writes about the sentiment in Macedonia during the war: “If you were in Macedonia during the Eastern [Crimean] war, you would see citizens and peasants surrounded by a teacher who read to them in the newspaper the reports of the successes and failures of the Russians. . – What, have the Russians not passed the Balkans yet? Asked some. “Has Silistra been taken over?” Others informed themselves. “Will they be with us soon?” (Daily, 28 October 1861). D. Miladinov himself notes in one note: “Women, breaking their arms and grieving, said:” Well, black snake is not late? Well, golden king Nicholas scho is left to us? Shche ke do we clean the poor without you? ”

The time of war is not particularly favorable for open patriotic activity in the country. In 1855, D. Miladinov left the school in Bitola and ended up in Herzegovina, where he spent six months in Mostar as a clerk under the Greek bishop there. Outraged by his behavior, he left and traveled through Herzegovina, Bosnia, Karlovci, Novi Sad, Belgrade, learning about the language, life and culture of Serbs in Austria-Hungary and Serbia. Invited by a Russian trader to take a teaching position in Russia, he refuses, but promises to send Konstantin there to continue his education. D. Miladinov carefully studies the situation of other Slavic peoples, compares it to the reality in Macedonia, and this gives him new impetus for struggle. Returning to Struga, he really does his best to send his brother to Russia. It is clear that E. Miladinov is deeply aware of the fields that Russia and the Russian culture can play and play in the Bulgarian national liberation movement. He places great hopes on Russia and sees in the face of the Russian people a protector of the enslaved Slavs on the Balkan Peninsula. D. Miladinov is filled with deep love for Russia and the Russian people.

Konstantin Miladinov spent four years in the great Slavic country (1856-1860). His stay in Russia coincided with the great ideological and political movement after the Crimean War, with the extreme increase in the interest of the Russian public in the fate of the enslaved Bulgarian people, with the increased attendance of Bulgarian youths to study at Russian schools, and especially at Moscow University. In Odessa and Kiev, with the material support of the Odessa Bulgarian Board of Trustees, he ended up in Moscow and enrolled in Slavic Philology at Moscow University. On November 13, 1856, he petitioned the Odessa Bulgarian Board of Trustees, stating that he had decided to pursue Slavic philology in order to return and teach his native Slavic, Bulgarian language, because he was convinced that “our country .., they will stay back from the upper Bulgaria of the doctrine if they do not stop to learn Bulgarian, “(Transl., vol. 63, 1902, p. 574-575). R. Jinzifov, Miladinovtsi’s first biographer, provides interesting information about Konstantin’s life in Russia. He studied Russian very quickly and very well, got acquainted with the Russian culture, contacted prominent representatives of the Russian intelligentsia, traveled the country, stopped in front of the Volga with deep excitement – as before the holy river of the Bulgarians, exclaiming: “Volga! How many nations have met on your shores! How many great events have happened before you! And of all the peoples who drank your water, only we withheld your name! ”Here, K. Miladinov obviously meant the opinions of some historians of the time, who derived the name of the Bulgarians from the name of the Volga River. if it is not enough to learn the Bulgarian language ”(Per. Magazine, 63, 1902, pp. 574-575). R. Jinzifov, Miladinovtsi’s first biographer, provides interesting information about Konstantin’s life in Russia. He studied Russian very quickly and very well, got acquainted with the Russian culture, contacted prominent representatives of the Russian intelligentsia, traveled the country, stopped in front of the Volga with deep excitement – as before the holy river of the Bulgarians, exclaiming: “Volga! How many nations have met on your shores! How many great events have happened before you! And of all the peoples who drank your water, only we withheld your name! ”Here, K. Miladinov obviously meant the opinions of some historians of the time, who derived the name of the Bulgarians from the name of the Volga River. if it is not enough to learn the Bulgarian language ”(Per. Magazine, 63, 1902, pp. 574-575). R. Jinzifov, Miladinovtsi’s first biographer, provides interesting information about Konstantin’s life in Russia. He studied Russian very quickly and very well, got acquainted with the Russian culture, contacted prominent representatives of the Russian intelligentsia, traveled the country, stopped in front of the Volga with deep excitement – as before the holy river of the Bulgarians, exclaiming: “Volga! How many nations have met on your shores! How many great events have happened before you! And of all the peoples who drank your water, only we withheld your name! ”Here, K. Miladinov obviously meant the opinions of some historians of the time, who derived the name of the Bulgarians from the name of the Volga River. gives interesting information about the life of Constantine in Russia. He studied Russian very quickly and very well, got acquainted with the Russian culture, contacted prominent representatives of the Russian intelligentsia, traveled the country, stopped in front of the Volga with deep excitement – as before the holy river of the Bulgarians, exclaiming: “Volga! How many nations have met on your shores! How many great events have happened before you! And of all the peoples who drank your water, only we withheld your name! ”Here, K. Miladinov obviously meant the opinions of some historians of the time, who derived the name of the Bulgarians from the name of the Volga River. gives interesting information about the life of Constantine in Russia. He studied Russian very quickly and very well, got acquainted with the Russian culture, contacted prominent representatives of the Russian intelligentsia, traveled the country, stopped in front of the Volga with deep excitement – as before the holy river of the Bulgarians, exclaiming: “Volga! How many nations have met on your shores! How many great events have happened before you! And of all the peoples who drank your water, only we withheld your name! ”Here, K. Miladinov obviously meant the opinions of some historians of the time, who derived the name of the Bulgarians from the name of the Volga River. with great excitement he stops at the Volga – as before a holy river of the Bulgarians, exclaiming: “Volga! How many nations have met on your shores! How many great events have happened before you! And of all the peoples who drank your water, only we withheld your name! ”Here, K. Miladinov obviously meant the opinions of some historians of the time, who derived the name of the Bulgarians from the name of the Volga River. with great excitement he stops at the Volga – as before a holy river of the Bulgarians, exclaiming: “Volga! How many nations have met on your shores! How many great events have happened before you! And of all the people who drank your water, only we withheld your name! ”Here, K. Miladinov obviously meant the opinions of some historians of the time, who derived the name of the Bulgarians from the name of the Volga River.

In Moscow K. Miladinov is among an entire group of Bulgarian students – L. Karavelov, Vas. Popovich, R. Jinzifov, Const. Gerov, K. Stanishev et al. Not only do they study here, but they feel like representatives of their own people, obliged to inform Russian society through articles and other materials about the situation of the enslaved Slav population on the Balkan Peninsula. A large part of the Bulgarian students have serious scientific interests and exhibit literary gifts. In 1860-1862, they published their journal, Brotherly Labor, where they found their first artistic, scientific and journalistic experiences. K. Miladinov also collaborates in Brotherly Work – here he publishes his poems “Orphan”, “On the Sun” and “Egiptin Delia”, excerpts from the collection. In Moscow, Constantine translates from Russian and publishes the brochure “Orthodox Brotherhoods in Southwestern Russia,” directed against Catholic propaganda. Here he is also involved in scientific work – collecting material on the history of the Archdiocese of Ohrid and publishing an article on the Archdiocese of Ohrid (Bratski rad, III, 1860, pp. 21-27). It is quite obvious that Konstantin Miladinov is a richly talented person, he has broad interests, is increasingly emerging as a writer and writer, preparing for serious literary activity. It must be said that not only K. Miladinov’s scientific interests are emerging in Russia, but his poetic talent is awakening and developing. Almost all of his famous poems were written and promulgated during this period (mainly in Bulgarian Books and Brotherly Work). This is where his best work of poetry is born – the thrilling elegy of “The Sorrow for the South.” Undoubtedly, acquaintance with Russian poetry greatly contributes to the development of K. Miladinov’s poetic leanings; the favorable Bulgarian student environment is also not important – many of the Bulgarian students show literary interests and later leave a lasting mark on the development of Bulgarian literature, especially L. Karavelov. K. Miladinov was probably too close to L. Karavelov, as evidenced not only by the general picture taken in Moscow in 1858 (see Archive of GS Rakovski, vol. II, p. 400), but also the fact that L. Karavelov devotes his best story “Bulgarians of old times” to Miladinovtsi. the favorable Bulgarian student environment is also not important – many of the Bulgarian students show literary interests and later leave a lasting mark on the development of Bulgarian literature, especially L. Karavelov. K. Miladinov was probably too close to L. Karavelov, as evidenced not only by the general picture taken in Moscow in 1858 (see Archive of GS Rakovski, vol. II, p. 400), but also the fact that L. Karavelov devotes his best story “Bulgarians of old times” to Miladinovtsi. the favorable Bulgarian student environment is also not important – many of the Bulgarian students show literary interests and later leave a lasting mark on the development of Bulgarian literature, especially L. Karavelov. K. Miladinov was probably too close to L. Karavelov, as evidenced not only by the general picture taken in Moscow in 1858 (see Archive of GS Rakovski, vol. II, p. 400), but also the fact that L. Karavelov devotes his best story “Bulgarians of old times” to Miladinovtsi.

From Moscow K. Miladinov also contacts Rakovski. This is a remarkable but little-known page in the life of the two brothers. First of all, Rakovski was related to D. Miladinov, he was in the file with him, but Rakovski’s letters were probably lost in the arrest of D. Miladinov, whose archive was seized by the Turkish authorities. D. Miladinov owned the Pokazalets with the inscription of Rakovski, as well as the poem Forest Passenger. He collaborated at the Danube Swan, where his contributions were published in 1860 and 1861 (see GS Rakovski Archive, vol. II, p. 427).

The name of GS Rakovski was well known to K. Miladinov, whose patriotic and literary work he highly valued. This is evidenced by his four letters, which are in the archive of Rakovski. The first was sent by Moscow on 8 January 1859. K. Miladinov not only expressed his admiration for Rakovski’s case, but also announced Rakovski’s desire to become familiar with the Macedonian dialect; he invites Rakovsky to release the collected folk songs. There is no doubt that the connection with Rakovski, the leader of the then Bulgarian emigration and of the national liberation movement, further strengthens Konstantin Miladinov’s patriotism.

We know little about K. Miladinov’s scientific work in Moscow and his work at the university. There he had the opportunity to give lectures to a number of notable Slavs and historians, such as Buslaev, Bodiansky, Tikhonravov, Solovyov, some of whom are well-known specialists in folklore. Like most Bulgarian students, it will be mainly related to Slavophile university and community backgrounds. It is very important to us the message of R. Jinzifov that K. Miladinov spent a lot of time in Moscow for the collection of folk songs that he brought with him from Bulgaria. “In the meantime, for three years, despite his great care, his brother Dimitar found time to collect folk songs, etc., which he sent to K. Miladinov. He kept them in Moscow for three years, dealt with them and nurtured them, as a mother cherishes her one dear son, left unharmed after much misery and misery. And for all these three years he did not stop hoping that funds would be found for their issuance, but no funds were found and they were destined to be issued in another Slavic city, but not in Moscow. ”

The fate of the collection absorbs most of K. Miladinov’s attention. Only a few Russian scientists are interested in the collection (Rachinsky, Bessonov, Belyaev, etc., but the means for its publication are not found. One of the reasons for the low interest of Russian scientists in the collection was that the songs were recorded in Greek letters.

R. Jinzifov gives another interesting detail of K. Miladinov’s life in Russia: “The external conditions of life, the harsh climate of Moscow with its intense frosts and cloudy sky acted heavily on his soul and filled her with gloomy thoughts and rarely his face she was smiling. Yet Moscow, which gave it new, fresh mental powers and a firmer national consciousness, remained indelible in his memory, and K. Miladinov, an eyewitness says, cannot leave without tears and say, “Farewell. , Moscow! Farewell, Church of Blessed Basil! Goodbye, Kremlin! Goodbye, University! ”

K. Miladinov’s mood in Russia is evidenced by his poems. His stay in Russia is extremely fruitful – K. Miladinov expands his knowledge, gets acquainted with Russian literature, studies the problems of folklore, contacts with prominent representatives of the Russian and Bulgarian intelligentsia. He left the great Slavic country, filled with a deep love for her and her culture. Although he failed to graduate from Moscow University, the thought of publishing a collection of folk songs, the events in Bulgaria, the incipient chest disease, his brother’s fate and his hot calls made him leave Moscow. D. Miladinov wrote to Konstantin: “Come, my dear brother, rather, fear nothing, do not be alarmed; leave his personal work; I have already prepared a teaching position for you in Ohrid… Come straight to your home country, so that my children, our relatives and friends can enjoy you. The wonderful spring of ours, the fragrant flowers, the green grasses of our mountains, my arms and the arms of our kinsmen – all these are earthly paradises ”(The Day Magazine, 1862, issue 48). It is not only words and concern for the health of the brother, it is a call to fulfill a public duty to the homeland. Dimitar Miladinov attracts Konstantin to engage him in direct and lively patriotic work.

After the Crimean War, while Konstantin is in Russia, the most intense, the most dramatic moments of Dimitar Miladinov’s patriotic activity unfold.

Returning from his travels to Austria-Hungary and Serbia, Dimitar became a teacher in Prilep. At that time, the father and son Ivan and Xenophon (Rayko) Ginzifovi were teaching at the original Bulgarian school. Miladinov, who is increasingly emerging as an extremely capable educator, teaches Greek class in the classroom, introducing Bulgarian subjects into it, especially Bulgarian history, studied in Bulgarian, using the “King” of Christ. Pavlovich (1844), and in the primary school – Bulgarian mutual teaching tables. He often talks with citizens, defends the Bulgarian language, talks about the progress of other Slavs. Shtapkarev notes: “It was a rebellious patriotism that had been revived in him, so much so that even fanaticism was touching” (Mac. Review, III, 1927, Vol. 2, p. 60). In Prilep, in his free evenings, Dimitar records folk songs and tales, historical legends, makes descriptions of localities, collects statistics and other data that he sends to Russia. The patriotic activity of D. Miladinov was soon noticed by the Greek bishop of Bitola, who with the help of the local Greeks tried to destroy the reform in the school. D. Miladinov has been charged as a Russian agent and taken into custody in Bitola. He was forbidden to return to Prilep and he accepted his invitation to open a Bulgarian school in Kukush. He sends a touching letter to Kukusani, in which he strongly opposes the use of the Greek language in the school and the church, and emphasizes his deep attachment to the Slavic culture and the Slavic peoples, but, on the other, acknowledges with grief,

The two years he spent in Kukush (1857-1859) are some of the most brilliant periods in D. Miladinov’s teaching and patriotic activities. The first thing he does is introduce the Bulgarian language into the schools. This causes a real revival in the city; not only children but also adults come to Miladinov. R. Jinzifov, who arrived in Kukush before Miladinov and took over the management of the primary school, describes his activity as follows: “When they arrived, the schools took a different kind, a different direction. Many of the young people who had left the school had left their craft and re-occupied their school places with Miladinov. The Slavic letters were spoken in the two Kukush schools; at the same time several books were brought by Veles and Constantinople. From day to day the work went forward; the children learned to read and write freely for a while, and it was fun to watch them say that children who had a whole year to learn to read in Greek and two or three more years to understand something from the same language, now it took them 2-3 months to freely read and understand stories in Bulgarian history. Parents could not enjoy listening to their children read to them from the sacred history of Father Partenii [Zografski]… The love of the mother tongue developed so much that after the lessons, married men from 20 to 25 years of age attended school every day and studied Church Slavonic. and Bulgarian language; even people over the years are willing to read each other in their spare time in their spare time. ” to learn to read Greek fluently, and for another two or three years to understand something in the same language, it now took them 2-3 months to read freely and understand stories in Bulgarian history. Parents could not enjoy listening to their children read to them from the sacred history of Father Partenii [Zografski]… The love of the mother tongue developed so much that after the lessons, married men from 20 to 25 years of age attended school every day and studied Church Slavonic. and Bulgarian language; even people over the years are willing to read each other in their spare time in their spare time. ” to learn to read Greek fluently, and for another two or three years to understand something in the same language, it now took them 2-3 months to read freely and understand stories in Bulgarian history. Parents could not enjoy listening to their children read to them from the sacred history of Father Partenii [Zografski]… The love of the mother tongue developed so much that after the lessons, married men from 20 to 25 years of age attended school every day and studied Church Slavonic. and Bulgarian language; even people over the years are willing to read each other in their spare time in their spare time. ” listening to their children read to them from the sacred history of Father Partenii [Zografski]… The love for the mother tongue developed so much that after the lessons of the time, married men from 20 to 25 years of age attended school every day and studied Cherkassy and Slavic languages; even people over the years are willing to read each other in their spare time in their spare time. ” listening to their children read to them from the sacred history of Father Partenii [Zografski]… The love for the mother tongue developed so much that after the lessons of the time, married men from 20 to 25 years of age attended school every day and studied Cherkassy and Slavic languages; even people over the years are willing to read each other in their spare time in their spare time. ”

As can be seen from the testimony of Jinzifov, the activity of D. Miladinov found a deep resonance among the population of the waking city of Kukush, which rose in the first half of the XIX century as an important administrative and economic center. D. Miladinov manages to ruin the schools, tour the surrounding villages and awaken the national consciousness, as a true democrat is in daily contact with the people, continues to collect and transcribe folk songs; his activity reaches Thessaloniki, where he manages to win over the Bulgarian language and enlighten many prominent Bulgarians, such as Const. Djerilovic and his son Georgi Dinkov.

D. Miladinov also turns his attention to the church. Under his influence, the Bulgarian language gradually penetrated the worship. At first, only individual prayers were said in Bulgarian. Usually, due to the lack of Church Slavonic and Bulgarian books, Miladinov translated for the holiday. Bulgarian prayers and words, which he wrote in Greek letters and gave them to the priests and students. In 1858, the entire worship was already performed in Slavic. The population is happily excited by this great event. R. Jinzifov, his eyewitness, describes it as follows: “Early in the morning of St. Trinity of simple-minded Bulgarians, men and women, gathered in the temple. An extraordinary silence reigns in the church and everyone who looks at the altar eagerly awaits to hear the voice of the holy-mouthed Kalugur. Ground Service; a voice is heard not foreign and not wild, but born, not painful to comprehend and predisposed to attentive listening. Nobody looks to either the left or the right, but everyone listens carefully to the gospel, which the saint reads quietly, without haste and without eating words. According to our custom, the gospel was spoken with a very clever word, proving that the Orthodox faith does not forbid any people to do the holy service in their own language … And all this was the fruit of D. Miladinov’s continuous work. ” 1862, Issue 48). Later, in a note to the Constantinople Gazette, no. 476, D. Miladinov reports about the excitement such an event caused in Ohrid: “The hearing, the Bulgarians, rejoice, why they understand the Bulgarian language and some of them weep for joy.” who plays Miladinov and directs her fight against him;

The Doyran-Cuckoo Greek Bishop fights the entire Cuckoo population, which firmly defends the use of the Bulgarian language in churches and schools and wants to be sent a Bulgarian bishop. The Kukusani address the Greek ruler with the words: “Bishop holy, if we introduce a wash in our schools and churches our Bulgarian language, wash it, we do it, not so much we do not do some godly and bad deeds, but on the contrary it is very God-pleasing and helpful. For the Bulgarian language is our mother tongue, which one so thoroughly cleanses and knows perfectly when, on the contrary, we do not pick from one word and one word, but the word of God, as it is undoubtedly known to every sane thinker, must be preached in a language known to the hearers. otherwise, preaching cannot be called preaching ”(Bulgarian Book, I, 1858, Part II, Vol. 10, p. 20). The struggle against the Patriarchate of Constantinople is so fierce, the Greeks show themselves so steadfastly that the cuckoos decide on a desperate step – in 1859 they break with the Patriarchate of Constantinople and ask Pope Pius IX for a union. This is one of the most dramatic moments in the history of the Bulgarian population in Kukush in the mid-nineteenth century. It is undoubtedly an act of despair and a maneuver for intimidating the Patriarchate of Constantinople. The Uniate movement in Kukush, in which Catholic missionaries play a major role, goes through many vicissitudes (see T. Vlakhov, The Revival in Kukush, Historical Review, XVI, 1960, Vol. 6, pp. 18-50 ). In 1859, Miladinov left the city because of the persecution of the Greek clergy, but also because of his bitterness at accepting the union. the Greeks manifested themselves so steadfastly that the Cuckoos decided on a desperate step – in 1859 they broke up with the Patriarchate of Constantinople and asked Pope Pius IX for a union. This is one of the most dramatic moments in the history of the Bulgarian population in Kukush in the mid-nineteenth century. It is undoubtedly an act of despair and a maneuver for intimidating the Patriarchate of Constantinople. The Uniate movement in Kukush, in which Catholic missionaries play a major role, goes through many vicissitudes (see T. Vlakhov, The Revival in Kukush, Historical Review, XVI, 1960, Vol. 6, pp. 18-50 ). In 1859, Miladinov left the city because of the persecution of the Greek clergy, but also because of his bitterness at accepting the union. the Greeks manifested themselves so steadfastly that the Cuckoos decided on a desperate step – in 1859 they broke up with the Patriarchate of Constantinople and asked Pope Pius IX for a union. This is one of the most dramatic moments in the history of the Bulgarian population in Kukush in the mid-nineteenth century. It is undoubtedly an act of despair and a maneuver for intimidating the Patriarchate of Constantinople. The Uniate movement in Kukush, in which Catholic missionaries play a major role, goes through many vicissitudes (see T. Vlakhov, The Revival in Kukush, Historical Review, XVI, 1960, Vol. 6, pp. 18-50 ). In 1859, Miladinov left the city because of the persecution of the Greek clergy, but also because of his bitterness at accepting the union. they break with the Patriarchate of Constantinople and ask Pope Pius IX for a union. This is one of the most dramatic moments in the history of the Bulgarian population in Kukush in the mid-nineteenth century. It is undoubtedly an act of despair and a maneuver for intimidating the Patriarchate of Constantinople. The Uniate movement in Kukush, in which Catholic missionaries play a major role, goes through many vicissitudes (see T. Vlakhov, The Revival in Kukush, Historical Review, XVI, 1960, Vol. 6, pp. 18-50 ). In 1859, Miladinov left the city because of the persecution of the Greek clergy, but also because of his bitterness at accepting the union. they break with the Patriarchate of Constantinople and ask Pope Pius IX for a union. This is one of the most dramatic moments in the history of the Bulgarian population in Kukush in the mid-nineteenth century. It is undoubtedly an act of despair and a maneuver for intimidating the Patriarchate of Constantinople. The Uniate movement in Kukush, in which Catholic missionaries play a large role, goes through many vicissitudes (see T. Vlakhov, The Revival in Kukush, Historical Review, XVI, 1960, Vol. 6, pp. 18-50 ). In 1859, Miladinov left the city because of the persecution of the Greek clergy, but also because of his bitterness at accepting the union. This is undoubtedly an act of despair and intimidation for intimidating the Patriarchate of Constantinople. The Uniate movement in Kukush, in which Catholic missionaries play a major role, goes through many vicissitudes (see T. Vlakhov, The Revival in Kukush, Historical Review, XVI, 1960, Vol. 6, pp. 18-50 ). In 1859, Miladinov left the city because of the persecution of the Greek clergy, but also because of his bitterness at accepting the union. This is undoubtedly an act of despair and intimidation for intimidating the Patriarchate of Constantinople. The Uniate movement in Kukush, in which Catholic missionaries play a large role, goes through many vicissitudes (see T. Vlakhov, The Revival in Kukush, Historical Review, XVI, 1960, Vol. 6, pp. 18-50 ). In 1859, Miladinov left the city because of the persecution of the Greek clergy, but also because of his bitterness at accepting the union.

We have interesting testimonies of D. Miladinov in Kukush from two Russians, AV Rachinsky and EP Yuzhakov, who visited the city as envoys of the Slavic Charity Committee in Moscow in late 1858 and early 1859. Yuzhakov emphasizes the hot attachment of the Cuckoo population to the Bulgarian language and his strong hatred of Greekism. Rachinski wrote in 1862 about Dimitar Miladinov: “The memory of this man is indelible to me. For the first time, I saw in him a national figure not the kind that history tells us, and which we cannot imagine except on a pedestal or stage, or watching from above. No, in one of the oldest times a Slavic country, conquered for centuries by the industrial spirit of the Greeks, where Greekism means aristocracy, the kind of D. Miladinov, who possessed Greek education to perfection and did not enjoy it for his own benefit, should have been a surprise. How! A man who was a capable primary teacher in a Hellenic school in order to earn the honor and benefits of the Hellenistic citizens, remains a humble Greek teacher in a Bulgarian village, which is hostile to the Greek ruler and everything that reminds him! And he teaches Greek not because of the beauty of his writing, but about the inner content of ancient philosophy. And besides, he is at our poverty – and what kind? – naked, dressing only in holiday a decent garment, which, because of its German origin, is called Chifutsk. All Sunday he rides with linen, or a wiped liner, in an unheated room, with a barbecue that gives off a suffocating odor, to frostbite students; Sophocles interprets them under the glass bell, shaking from the strong wind coming from Thessaloniki, from the mouths of Olympus, Cradle, Leather… And the worries? – The bishop hates him, smelling at him a national activist and an opponent of his impunity … And Miladinov agrees with the Turks in order to save the Bulgarian school from the persecution of the bishop; urges the priests to abandon the Greek language he used in order to study the Slavic – born Kukusani; he goes to Thessaloniki and succeeds in engaging with the power of his eloquence the very eliminated princes in favor of the word of God. Again, disagreements with students, internal misunderstandings in the municipality, and opposition to local Greeks… 1942, pp. 72-73; see also Mac Review, VIII, 1933, book. 3, pp. 3-4).

From Kukush, D. Miladinov returned to his hometown of Struga and became a teacher in the place of his son-in-law K. Shapkarev, who moved to teach in Ohrid. Here, Miladinov continues his work, paying special attention to the education of the girls, expanding the study of the mother tongue, introducing Slavic to the churches, where gradually the whole liturgy is performed in Slavic. D. Miladinov also takes an active part in Ohrid’s public life, helping to spread the Bulgarian education. Miladinov managed to reconcile the warring parties in the two cities and, after the death of Bishop Ioaniki, organized and led the struggle for the appointment of a Bulgarian metropolitan in Ohrid. The Ohrids wrote a number of letters to the Patriarchate, but to no avail – the Greek Metropolitan was appointed Metropolitan. The citizens of Ohrid, Struga and the surrounding settlements are decisively against him, do not welcome him, do not go to the churches of his services, openly declare to him that they do not want him. The fight against Meletius is one of the most dramatic episodes in Ohrid’s life during this era; in it D. Miladinov plays an important role – as a major instigator of popular discontent. He writes a number of articles in the Constantinople newspaper and in the Danube Swan, in which he boldly exposes the Greek clergy. In his letter to the Constantinople newspaper (dated February 28, 1860), D. Miladinov stated: “In the world [the whole] district of Ohrid, there is not a single Greek family except three or four villages of Vlachs, and their others are pure Bulgarian tribes.” D. Miladinov’s writings are extremely interesting both with the material they contain and with the patriotic passion with which they are written. they do not go to the churches of his offices, they openly state that they do not want him. The fight against Meletius is one of the most dramatic episodes in Ohrid’s life during this era; in it D. Miladinov plays an important role – as a major instigator of popular discontent. He writes a number of articles in the Constantinople newspaper and in the Danube Swan, in which he boldly exposes the Greek clergy. In his letter to the Constantinople newspaper (dated February 28, 1860), D. Miladinov stated: “In the world [the whole] district of Ohrid, there is not a single Greek family except three or four villages of Vlachs, and their others are pure Bulgarian tribes.” D. Miladinov’s writings are extremely interesting both with the material they contain and with the patriotic passion with which they are written. they do not go to the churches of his offices, they openly state that they do not want him. The fight against Meletius is one of the most dramatic episodes in Ohrid’s life during this era; in it D. Miladinov plays an important role – as a major instigator of popular discontent. He writes a number of articles in the Constantinople newspaper and in the Danube Swan, in which he boldly exposes the Greek clergy. In his letter to the Constantinople newspaper (dated February 28, 1860), D. Miladinov stated: “In the world [the whole] district of Ohrid, there is not a single Greek family except three or four villages of Vlachs, and their others are pure Bulgarian tribes.” D. Miladinov’s writings are extremely interesting both with the material they contain and with the patriotic passion with which they are written. in it D. Miladinov plays an important role – as a major instigator of popular discontent. He writes a number of articles in the Constantinople newspaper and in the Danube Swan, in which he boldly exposes the Greek clergy. In his letter to the Constantinople newspaper (dated February 28, 1860), D. Miladinov stated: “In the world [the whole] district of Ohrid, there is not a single Greek family except three or four villages of Vlachs, and their others are pure Bulgarian tribes.” D. Miladinov’s writings are extremely interesting both with the material they contain and with the patriotic passion with which they are written. in it D. Miladinov plays an important role – as a major instigator of popular discontent. He writes a number of articles in the Constantinople newspaper and in the Danube Swan, in which he boldly exposes the Greek clergy. In his letter to the Constantinople newspaper (dated February 28, 1860), D. Miladinov stated: “In the world [the whole] district of Ohrid, there is not a single Greek family except three or four villages of Vlachs, and their others are pure Bulgarian tribes.” D. Miladinov’s writings are extremely interesting both with the material they contain and with the patriotic passion with which they are written.

In 1860, the Bulgarian municipality of Constantinople, having placed great trust in D. Miladinov, forced him to tour Macedonia in order to collect aid for the newly built Bulgarian church in the Turkish capital. This testifies to the close ties of D. Miladinov with the leaders of the church struggle and the national education movement. For five months, Miladinov traveled to Debar, Kichevo, Voden, Strumitsa, a number of villages and everywhere agitated against the Greek clergy. He comes into direct contact with the people, studies his pains and aspirations, promotes his martial will. Along with the help, Miladinov also collects old manuscripts, books, old coins. Returning to Struga, he dreams of the time when his brother from Russia will come to find a male and maiden high school in Ohrid or Bitola, with a male and maiden boarding house,

Meletius responded to this fight against slander, bribery and intrigue before the Turkish authorities and succeeded in presenting D. Miladinov as a rebel, Russian agent and enemy of the state. On February 16, 1861, by order of the Bitola Valley, D. Miladinov was arrested and, the next day, surrounded by a whole gendarme unit, was taken and imprisoned in Ohrid. Along with the arrest of his home, many books, manuscripts and letters were brought up. From that moment, Dimitar’s martyrdom to death begins. Declared to be a “royal showerman” on horseback, Dimitar Miladinov was taken to Bitola. K. Shapkarev describes his courageous demeanor in these difficult moments: “Although he was going to an apparent death from which no one believed to escape, the late D. Miladinov was not at all frightened and frightened, but with a calm soul, fearless and cheerful heart. like going to a wedding, riding a horse like a matchmaker. He did this for two reasons: first, because he hoped for the salvation of his excellent friends and acquaintances in Constantinople and elsewhere, that you did not leave the state to die innocently, without thinking of curiosity, that many times even the most harmful friends and their most vigorous actions remain fruitless and useless, and that his was one of those circumstances; second, because he neglected and despised his life when it came to the national good, without even respecting his family, to which he had natural parental responsibilities. (Where are the patriots today to look in the mirror of his self-sacrifice and self-sacrifice?) When we were sending him away, like the apostles of Christ, in apparent doom, he, quite calmly, showing his hand, said to us: for he hoped for the salvation of his excellent friends and acquaintances in Constantinople and elsewhere, that they would not leave him to perish innocently, without thinking of a quority, that many times even their most harmful friends and their hardest efforts remained fruitless and useless and that his was one of those circumstances; second, because he neglected and despised his life when it came to the national good, without even respecting his family, to which he had natural parental responsibilities. (Where are the patriots today to look in the mirror of his self-sacrifice and self-sacrifice?) When we were sending him away, like the apostles of Christ, in apparent doom, he, quite calmly, showing his hand, said to us: for he hoped for the salvation of his excellent friends and acquaintances in Constantinople and elsewhere, that they would not leave him to perish innocently, without thinking of a quority, that many times even their most harmful friends and their hardest efforts remained fruitless and useless and that his was one of those circumstances; second, because he neglected and despised his life when it came to the national good, without even respecting his family, to which he had natural parental responsibilities. (Where are the patriots today to look in the mirror of his self-sacrifice and self-sacrifice?) When we were sending him away, like the apostles of Christ, in apparent doom, he, quite calmly, showing his hand, said to us: that many times even the most harmful of friends and their hardest actions remain fruitless and worthless, and that his was one of those circumstances; second, because he neglected and despised his life when it came to the national good, without even respecting his family, to which he had natural parental responsibilities. (Where are the patriots today to look in the mirror of his self-sacrifice and self-sacrifice?) When we were sending him away, like the apostles of Christ, in apparent doom, he, quite calmly, showing his hand, said to us: that many times even the most harmful of friends and their hardest actions remain fruitless and worthless, and that his was one of those circumstances; second, because he neglected and despised his life when it came to the national good, without even respecting his family, to which he had natural parental responsibilities. (Where are the patriots today to look in the mirror of his self-sacrifice and self-sacrifice?) When we were sending him away, like the apostles of Christ, in apparent doom, he, quite calmly, showing his hand, said to us: which has parental natural responsibilities. (Where are the patriots today to look in the mirror of his self-sacrifice and self-sacrifice?) When we were sending him away, like the apostles of Christ, in apparent doom, he, quite calmly, showing his hand, said to us: which has parental natural responsibilities. (Where are the patriots today to look in the mirror of his self-sacrifice and self-sacrifice?) When we were sending him away, like the apostles of Christ, in apparent doom, he, quite calmly, showing his hand, said to us:

“What are you so scared of, children?” A handful of blood is a human life; how scared will i be? I go to true death, but the Bulgarian people will not die together is me; he will remain alive and one day rise again; then I will appreciate my blood. I have sown the seed, and you are alive to reap its fruit.

Only when we would part ways once and for all, almost an hour from almost the city of Ohrid, did he bow his head and utter a sorrowful voice: “Ah, tyranny, ah, empty Greek clergy,” and two large tears rolled from his black coals. eyes. Then we burst into tears and, without being able to say the last goodbye, we parted with our heads bowed. He went and did not return to us, his family or his people any more. ”

D. Miladinov spent three months in the Bitola prison, under the most serious conditions, as a criminal. His close, prominent chips, Ohrid and Bitola citizens are making great efforts to release him. However, the Greek lords Meletius in Ohrid and Benedict in Bitola used their influence before the Turkish authorities to defame D. Miladinov as a Russian agent who rebelled the population. Meletius even uses forgery; prepares a request for the appointment of the Sber Demir from Kurbülukbashiya (chief of the bastards), and after the village seals and the signatures of the mayors and princes have been affixed on him, he cuts out the part with the seals and signatures and carefully glues it to another text in which the population complained that Miladinov was a Russian agent preaching insurrection and joining Russia. This forged document was sent to Constantinople and from there followed a prompt order from Miladinov to be taken to the Turkish capital. Bound, under military guard, he arrived in Constantinople in May 1861 and was imprisoned in the dungeons of the Ministry of Police.

       The younger brother Konstantin Miladinov knew for a long time nothing about the arrest of his brother, although there were reports of such arrest in the press (“Bulgaria” newspaper, issue 103 of 8 March 1861, and c. Danube Swan, Nos. 30 and 31 of 18 and 23. IV. 1861). All of Constantine’s attention was absorbed in the care of publishing the collection. Unable to find a publisher in Moscow, Constantine addressed a letter to Joseph Strosmeier (1815-1905), a noted activist of the Croatian National Revival, a Croatian bishop in Diakovo, an extraordinarily cultural man, a staunch adherent of the idea of ​​Slavic reciprocity. Strosmeier was very sympathetic to the fate of the enslaved Bulgarian people. As a Catholic clergyman, he saw his salvation in the union, in the union of Catholics and Orthodox to fight the Greek clergy. Strosmeier answered Constantine’s letter favorably. In June 1860, Constantine left Moscow and left for Vienna, where Strosmeier was located at that time. We have several, though later, testimonies of his meeting with the Croatian bishop of Strosmeier himself. He agrees to publish the collection, but insists that the songs should be transcribed in Cyrillic letters, stating: “Let me tell you, Miladinov, if you want to give you the songs, you have to renounce the Greek letters forever. The Greeks have caused you, the Bulgarians, a lot of misery and hardship; leave it from their letters, then, embrace the Slavic letters’ (from Strosmeier’s letter to the Slavonic Conversation in Sofia, 1885, SBU, Vol. 22-23, 1906-1907, p. 66). We have several, though later, testimonies of his meeting with the Croatian bishop of Strosmeier himself. He agrees to publish the collection, but insists that the songs should be transcribed in Cyrillic letters, stating: “Let me tell you, Miladinov, if you want to give you the songs, you have to renounce the Greek letters forever. The Greeks have caused you, the Bulgarians, a lot of misery and hardship; leave it from their letters, then, embrace the Slavic letters’ (from Strosmeier’s letter to the Slavonic Conversation in Sofia, 1885, SBU, Vol. 22-23, 1906-1907, p. 66). We have several, though later, testimonies of his meeting with the Croatian bishop of Strosmeier himself. He agrees to publish the collection, but insists that the songs should be transcribed in Cyrillic letters, stating: “Let me tell you, Miladinov, if you want to give you the songs, you have to renounce the Greek letters forever. The Greeks have caused you, the Bulgarians, a lot of misery and hardship; leave it from their letters, then, embrace the Slavic letters’ (from Strosmeier’s letter to the Slavonic Conversation in Sofia, 1885, SBU, Vol. 22-23, 1906-1907, p. 66). you have to deny the Greek letters forever. The Greeks have caused you, the Bulgarians, a lot of misery and hardship; leave it from their letters, then, embrace the Slavic letters’ (from Strosmeier’s letter to the Slavonic Conversation in Sofia, 1885, SBU, Vol. 22-23, 1906-1907, p. 66). you have to deny the Greek letters forever. The Greeks have caused you, the Bulgarians, a lot of misery and hardship; leave it from their letters, then, embrace the Slavic letters’ (from Strosmeier’s letter to the Slavonic Conversation in Sofia, 1885, SBU, Vol. 22-23, 1906-1907, p. 66).

         From Vienna K. Miladinov left in September 1860 for Dyakovo, the seat of the bishop, where he spent until the beginning of 1861, preparing the collection for printing. Constantine lives in the Seminary of Dyakov, he meets constantly with the bishop, with whom he talks about the fate of his fatherland and the fate of the Slavs in general. Later, Strosmeier wrote the following about the young patriot: “I can say that the memory of the late Miladinov always touches my heart. He was a humble, kind, hardworking, innocent and extremely patriotic boy – a true and lively image of his worthy Bulgarian people. He used to spend all winter in my home. Then, seeing his modesty, grace, innocence and hard work, we repeatedly told him: – You, my brother, are made a priest! And he always answered me: – In the present circumstances of our people, not only the priests, but we, laymen, we must be priests, not only by expanding enlightenment and preparing the people for freedom, but also by sacrificing our blood and our lives for our people, if necessary. ”During this period K. Miladinov also corresponded with Rakovski, interested in from the ecclesiastical struggle which after the break with the Patriarchate of Constantinople on 3. IV. 1860 has entered its most dramatic decisive phase. In February 1861 he appeared in the Danube Swan and the announcement by Constantine (“Oglas”) about the forthcoming publication of the collection; it specifies the tasks of the collection and opens a subscription for subscriber collection. In connection with the announcement, Konstantin wrote to Rakovski: “In my ad Macedonia, I called Western Bulgaria (whatever they should be called).” The collection is already published in A. Jakic’s printing house in Zagreb, for which in January 1861 K. Miladinov. Here he meets prominent Croatian cultural figures such as L. Guy, Fr. Crabs, Eve. Kukulevic-Saksinski and others. In June, the collection is printed in July, Constantius leaves for his homeland. On the way, he stops in Belgrade to see Rakovski (the meeting does not happen because Rakovski is not in the city), and there Konstantin learns about his brother’s arrest. He left for Constantinople immediately and arrived in the Turkish capital at the end of July.

The last months of the two brothers’ lives in the dungeon of Constantinople are some of the most uncertain biographically. The strict supervision under which the brothers were put, their complete isolation in the dark cells of the prison, the ban on visiting them by Bulgarians, the fear of new slander and arrests, the tense relations between Bulgarians and Greeks – all create the ground for many assumptions to arise. , false information, memories and legends. It remains unknown exactly whether the brothers met and under what circumstances the meeting took place. According to some sources, who did not lack credibility, immediately upon his arrival in Constantinople, Constantine sought the assistance of Catholic Lazarians, before whom he used his connections with Strosmeier, and managed to visit his brother in prison. However, after a few days, On August 4-5, 1861, he was robbed by Turkish police on the street in Galata neighborhood and arrested. According to other reports, the two brothers managed to see each other only in the last days of their lives at the prison hospital, where they both died, severely ill with typhoid fever.

These last months have been tragic for the brethren who have dedicated their lives to their homeland as true apostles, bound not only by the power of brotherly love but also by the deep connection of the common patriotic cause. Their fate excited close and distant friends and the Bulgarian colony in Constantinople. For them, the leaders of the church struggle advocate; the Russian Embassy makes moves to release them; Strosmeier writes a statement to the Austrian Foreign Minister; the latter charged his ambassador to Constantinople to intervene with the Turkish government. However, everything is to no avail. The intrigues and slanders of the Greek Patriarchate have done their part – the brothers are accused of being Russian agents because of their ties to being Russian diplomatic agents, of their correspondence with Russian officials, of their hopes, who assigned the great Slavic country for the liberation of the Bulgarian people. The Miladinov brothers’ deep attachment to Russia, the great love they nourish for the Russian people and Russian culture, their friendly relations with prominent Russian scientists and public figures are used as a grave indictment against them. They fall into office – as ardent patriots dreaming of the liberation of their people, as brave fighters for the cultural independence of their people, as apostles of Bulgarian-Russian friendship, of friendship between the southern Slavs and Slavic solidarity. Constantine’s great love for Russia Strosmeier declares to Professor Iv. D. Shishmanov in 1899: “He often dreamed of seeing all Bulgaria freed; his only hope was Russia” (Bulgarian Review, V, p. 34), broken by the difficult conditions of prison, Exhausted by the enormous suffering (when Constantine enters the dungeon with tuberculosis), the disease quickly cuts them off. In 1876, the rebel from Botev’s company, Nikola Obretenov, went to the same prison and described it in the following way: “These two saints [the Miladinovi brothers] died in this zandan in which we live today… —15 foot in the ground; there is no window but one door, where the air will lay out … His doves always tear; the land on which we stretch our poor mats is so moist that we will soon be without them. Slippers, bread and more are all submerged in a mold, so we are forced every morning to take everything outside to dry, and most that weighs on us are the pangs that are no less than 10-15 oki ”(M.Arnaudov, Brothers Miladinovi, p. 231).

The brothers died of typhus one after the other – Constantine on January 6 or January 7, and Dimitar between January 10 – January 12, 1862. The funeral is carried out without witnesses, so their grave remains unknown. The tragic demise of the two brothers shook the whole country and found its echo far beyond the borders of the Turkish Empire – among Russians, Croats, Serbs, Czechs, Poles, etc. Legends are borne out for the Miladinovians, many speculate about the direct causes of their death. , long and stubbornly spreads the rumor that they are poisoned. This rumor is not corroborated by reliable evidence. However, this is not essential because the brothers are overwhelmed by the brutal oppressive system that dominates the Turkish Empire – as one of the most costly victims,